Western civilisation, currently led by the
United States, believes itself to be the vanguard of world
civilisation. Although this depends on one's perception of what
constitutes a civilisation, some questions cannot be avoided:
Does Western civilisation have a vision? Does it know where it's
heading? And within this civilisation, will Europe blindly
follow the United States come bust or doom?
Defining civilisation
Whether we see civilisation as the antipode
of 'barbarism' or the actual state of a developed culture, we
generally associate Western civilisation with a state of
enlightened reason: a rational and objective perception of
society enjoying an 'Aristotelian form' of social order that is
hopefully capable of distinguishing reality from mythology. It
is an order that relies on reason; the same type of reasoning
that had culminated in the separation of the State and the
Church some centuries ago throughout Europe. But for this
civilisation to possess a vision, we first need to define a
measure of what constitutes Western civilised order. And here
lies a problem - for there is no universally accepted definition
of such a measure. Some would place 'law and order' as an
intrinsic measure of civilisation. Others maintain that economic
(entrepreneurial) productivity yields the highest measure of
civilisation. Others see it as a measure of economic
intervention in the creation of a welfare State. And laissez
faire libertarians would emphasise that "civilisation is the
progress towards a society of privacy". One could go on: power
and world influence, tolerance levels, moral values...
Ensuring 'enduring freedom'
Under analysis, one notes that the concept of
freedom (with all its diverse connotations) is a basic element
denoting Western civilisation. Immorality, poverty, lawlessness,
foreign aggression, State repression, or intrusion of privacy
are all seen as factors that erode freedom, selectively by
moralists, left-centre-right Statists, nationalists, civil
libertarians and laissez faire libertarians. Freedom is in the
eye of the beholding mind. What libertarians may consider to be
repressive laws that erode civil liberties or stifle
entrepreneurship, authoritarians deem as State-provided
protection against a perceived moral, economic or political
threat to liberty.
The function of laws
A largely accepted belief is that to
safeguard freedom, in all its fluidity of form, the State needs
to intervene in society's workings as necessitated
democratically over time. But every State intervention requires
a law, and every law takes away a liberty from a specific
minority. This, in and of itself, is a fundamental
contradiction. And it is exacerbated by the fact that, as time
progresses, Western civilisation is increasingly backing its
laws with punitive measures that involve State coercion and
force. Clearly, many new (and old) private conflicts are fast
becoming "breaches of the King's peace". In order to control
society and impose 'order' the Western States have been raising
deterrent forces on all fronts, relying on pervasive
surveillance, incarceration, and asset seizure as the main
coercive means by which it hopes to sustain the value of
deterrence. Can this escalating punitive philosophy be the apex
of Western civilisation?
This brings us to a fundamental question:
Should Western civilisation, guided by objective and rational
reason, necessitate more coercive laws or less? What is the end
point of our civilisation? Is it one with a longer list of laws
with higher penalties and more intrusive detection and
surveillance techniques aimed at maintaining social and economic
control (which is thought to bring order)? Or one that would not
require such State intervention since, given the chance, society
is rational enough to mature and evolve into a truly enlightened
and civilised society?
The former, the authoritarian approach to
civilisation, implies that humans are innately criminal by
nature (in parallel with Christianity and "mankind's original
sin"), and that only sufficient State interventionist force can
deter social and economic disorganisation and greed. The latter,
the libertarian approach, maintains that humans are innately
social, rational beings and to collectivise them into a
compliant herd by reason of 'fear of consequences' (deterrence)
only perpetuates deviance and criminality. Repression hinders
the process of social evolution since society would be
conditioned to respond only to the 'whip'. Social experiential
awareness is diminished and human dignity and integrity are held
hostage to coercive State violence.
Perpetuating the escalation of criminality
Increased criminalisation does not invoke the
birth of a civilised society. Rather, it derails it into a
society of perpetual deviance that continuously degenerates into
crime, together with the State's parallel quest for its elusive
suppression. The exercise of crime control is fast becoming an
exercise of pervasive and hegemonic social control, complete
with Gestapo-like, militarised State agents enjoying tremendous
elbowroom, resources and legal powers.
Let us venture into this sad alley. The rise
of the 'Police State' has taken the course of at least 150-200
years to reach this saturation point, but never have crime rates
statistically increased as in the past 35 years or so.
Congruently, never has criminalisation, enforcement and
incarceration been in such a heightened state. Conventional
wisdom - which is the wisdom of the subordinated masses led by
elements in the government and the media - concludes that the
increase in State authoritarianism has been necessitated by this
increase in crime.
In reality, however, State authoritarianism
could actually have contributed to (if not caused) this
escalation in criminality by essentially criminalising the whole
of society. The question begs to be asked: What came first,
pervasive crime or the authoritarian 'democratic' State? In
essence, it is a chicken-and-egg question involving complex
human behaviourisms following the natural Darwinian laws of
adaptability, adversity, survival (and evolution!).
Criminality has evolved. It was forced to
evolve - through a process of actions and reactions - by a
multitude of intrusive and forceful State actions. Certainly,
most criminologists still place the blame for escalated
criminality on de-industrialisation (just as industrialisation
had increased crime in the 18th and 19th centuries). The advent
of a market society, the creation of a new underclass, relative
depravation, racial tensions, pluralism and multiculturalism are
all seen as the prime causes of a rising crime rate.
Furthermore, there is little doubt that this rise may also be
attributed to more efficient data collection by enforcement
agencies. Other, less academic, commentators would blame
"eroding moral values" (which is more of a perceptive effect
than a cause). But critical criminologists and abolitionists
prefer to focus on the consequences of State authoritarianism
and criminalisation. Since the late 1960s many have come to the
stark realisation that a major component of the rise in
criminality is a function of coercive and punitive State
interventionism. The more the State criminalises and the more
money is poured into police efforts, the more will crime rates
rise both statistically and reactively.
Actions and reactions
To delve into the intricate details of this
line of thought would require at least a volume. Briefly, it
concerns the elements of individual and collective actions and
reactions (much in the same vein of Newtonian 'actions and
reactions being equal and opposite'). This concept qualifies
human behaviourisms as freely interactive, sovereign, social
elements. In a pluralistic democracy social control is
determined by a low deterrence threshold. Once that threshold is
superseded, harsher State action can only result in a reactive
state of criminality. State repression and criminalisation
increase the perception of injustice, whilst creating more
'criminal opportunity fields', more hardened criminals, more
disdain toward the State and its laws, and the ultimate
perception of the illegitimacy of government and the State.
While the mainstream population remains law-abiding and in fear
of both crime and 'the law', the targeted few adapt in
adversity, digging ever more deeper into the underground economy
that's part of a sub-society which keeps growing. The ancient
Chinese philosopher Lao Tsu gives us an insight into the
unchanging behaviour of the human mind in its collectivised
form:
The more laws and restrictions there are,
The poorer people become. The sharper men's weapons, The
more trouble in the land. The more ingenious and clever men
are, The more strange things happen. The more rules and
regulations, The more thieves and robbers.
(From verse 71 of Tao Te Ching;
translation: Jane English)
The self-empowering State
So what comes first: a criminal and violent
society or a punitive authoritarian State? The most rational
answer is that both entities flourish symbiotically - feeding on
each other and shaping one another in the process. The culprit
may be traced to social mass- reaction in the form of moral
panic and media frenzy, accompanied by the consequential
political frenzy for a vote-enhancing 'tough-on-crime' approach.
But from a different perspective, the culprit
is the self-empowering State.
Many may still recall the British 'Bobby',
pushing and heaving at picketing strikers in an 'intimate'
face-to-face riot-control tactic that rarely ended in serious
violence. No headgear, no battle shield, no tear gas, no frantic
hitting with the truncheon. That was up till around the 1970s.
Today, the blue helmets, and the militarised battle gear ensure
a reaction that is somehow proportionate to the violence the
riot police expect, provoke and invoke. The police hit hard only
to receive a proportionate backlash by individuals who are
motivated by some metaphysical perception of injustice that
fuels the hatred toward those blue helmets symbolising State
repression. We have witnessed this attitude toward protestors in
Gothenburg and Genoa last year when many were seriously injured
and one protester was shot dead by the forces of the State.
Rioting is only one simple example over time.
Times change unnoticeably and myths and paradigms evolve
gradually enough for them to be accepted by the flow of
mainstream generations. Very few people now recall what life had
been before the advent of last century's global drug prohibition
that still lingers on, even if it is nearing the beginning of
its twilight days. Certainly no one today recalls 19th century
London's opium dens, the Parisian Club des Hachichins, or the
elitist consumption of cocaine. Perhaps no one can recall the
actual beginnings of the criminalisation process that happened
earlier in the 20th century But many would recall the days
before its heightened enforcement and the gradual moral panic
and criminalisation that ensued. Of course, lemmings would say
the heightened State activity over the ever-failing 'war on
drugs' was necessitated by a 'drugs epidemic'. A more reasonable
view, however, is that this prohibition, this 'war on drugs' (in
a society that drinks alcohol, smokes tobacco and swallows a
multitude of legal chemicals), is what caused the escalation of
drug use and the lucrative trade that accompanies it.
Economists, more than criminologists, have little doubt that
such State interventionism in a market where the forces of
'supply and demand' reign supreme has driven the demand to
sky-high proportions and aggravated 'the problem'. Ultimately
this is a 'war' backed by a moral value that is as fallacious as
the one that caused the Inquisitive Church to pursue and burn
witches up till around 350 years ago.
So when world governments, led by the US,
failed miserably in their 'war on drugs', another fallacy was
born: that without the total control of money movements drug
traffickers would never be eradicated. Another 'war' was
therefore waged, this time against 'dirty' money.
Anti-money laundering legislation involved
the criminalisation of the global financial sector — not to
control crime (for which it is ineffectual) but for the State
(and it corrupt cronies) to seize some of the profits in this
lucrative trade — which now stands at US$600 Billion! Further,
anti-laundering legislation is also a way for the West to
(tentatively) control global financial movements, through a most
pervasive and far-reaching set of coercive laws aided by
intrusive surveillance technology.
Since these are 'wars' that can never be won
(on the contrary, they exacerbate the problem), more repressive
and intrusive legal, procedural and technological techniques
were necessitated over time. These range from search and arrest
procedures, to undercover operations, entrapment, electronic
surveillance, and the reversal of some of our civilisation's
most cherished principles, such as onus of proof, measures of
criminal intent, the right to privacy and freedom of
association.
In the end of the day, these 'wars' have
solely served the Western governments in their quest for more
social control. Their self-perpetuating nature has ensured that
the masses themselves clamour for more State control, which
comes in the form of 'protection'! This self-empowerment also
gave the West an overall global influence and a measure of
coercion in the quest for a hegemonised and internationalised
criminal justice system based exclusively on the American model.
A "new kind of war": the globalisation of American control
mechanisms
The 'war on terrorism' takes on where money
laundering had left in the West's quest for global hegemony.
Money laundering legislation essentially criminalises bankers
and financial employees (and soon also lawyers, accountants,
real estate agents, and more) by coercing them into spying on
their clients' money sources under the ultimate penalty of
incarceration.
Before the advent of the 'war on terror',
anti-laundering legislation had already been enacted in most
countries through the coercive actions of the West. Enforcement
however, was and still is very shaky, even though the bulk of
'dirty' money is still transacted in the West!
With the 'war on terrorism' the same
legislation and eavesdropping system that had been introduced to
'protect' us from drug abuse and 'dirty' money required only a
few adjustments and additions: namely, increased powers of
arrest, more intrusive communications surveillance and wider
control over protest, dissent and freedom of expression. The
quest is also to enhance police 'cooperation' worldwide —
meaning, the unhindered global operability of Western
enforcement agents, particularly Uncle Sam's. Those world States
that fail to comply are branded as aides to terrorists — and are
punished by the chief accuser and the chief arbiter: the US
government.
The symptoms of war
'War' has long become a buzzword throughout
the Western world — a war on anything that is perceived as evil.
But the 'war' against crime has been a war on social elements
and minority values (or vices), a war on subcultures, a war on
the financial markets. Now it has been extended to cover a war
on 'rogue' States that fail to comply with US demands. Rather
than strictly a war on society, as is the 'war' on crime, the
'war on terrorism' is a hybrid: a point where metaphorical wars
and actual wars co-exist in harmonious repression and
aggression. And the escalation spirals without control and with
no apparent end. Will the West, in its quest to maintain its
civilisation, destroy it by increasing authoritarianism and
aggression every time they fail?
For the past three decades the US has been
exporting its criminal justice philosophy and coercing the whole
globe into fighting these 'wars' on the pretext of "national
security" - and in the name of freedom, of course. And now,
according to President Bush and his clan, terrorists do what
they do because they "hate American values and freedom". But
hatred is a subjective abstraction. America is only hated for
what its haters perceive it to be: a meddlesome aggressor and a
conspirator with Israel in State terrorism. It is hated for its
naïve insolence in the face of diverse world cultures; its
imposition, and its quest for global hegemony over trade,
finance and justice under its 'legal' control.
The Islamic world has a different perception
of civilisation, and it is quite alien to the US government's
gung-ho cowboy philosophy. A considerable number of radicals
(and 'moderates') in the Islamic world view the imposition of
Western civilisation and its values as a threat to the
continuation of their own civilisation. The Gulf princes and the
'moderate' jacket-and-tie heads of State are not exactly
representative of their own people. Moreover, many 'moderates'
play lip service, having learned the personal benefits of being
'politically correct'.
The grounds for the rise of Islam have long
been laid out. Criminal acts of terrorism are but symptoms of
this rise, which has come face to face with a US-led Western
civilisation that is high on 'wars' and freakish on control. And
just as the 'drug problem' is a symptom of the 'war on drugs',
just as pervasive money laundering activity is a direct effect
of anti-laundering measures, so will the allurement of jihad and
further terrorism be a consequence of the 'war on terrorism'.
The rise and fall of civilisations
So what is the endgame of Western
civilisation? Will innate human virtue prevail in a liberated
society, or will we witness more tyranny perpetrated by the
authoritarian State until it ultimately implodes?
This is the American age. It is a time when
'Mother Europe' apes its immature offshoot in every way
imaginable (except for the fact that European States don't
execute people, which fact has become Europe's PR banner for
Western civilisation). Today, the 'good Europeans' are not only
aping the US government in 'refining' and centralising European
criminal justice systems, but they are also in the process of
creating a monolithic State that supposedly bears no similarity
to the American federal system. In reality, we are only a few
steps away from an Orwellian Europe and very few are aware of
it.
The Americans have refined the 'whip' as if
it were the only form of deterrence known to Western
civilisation. Whenever sections of the population get hardened
and grow immune, and whenever new sub-cultures crop up as a
result of new laws concocted by the State, a 'sabre' replaces
the 'whip' in the hope that a perception of order is regained.
The human virtues of conscience-building, integrity and
reputation, comprising primary social deterrents, are hardly
ever considered.
In its globalised version, the domestic
'whip' takes the more literal form of an explosive missile. But
will militant Islam be deterred by American gunships and
military tribunals? Will radical Islam 'disappear' just like the
Third Reich did? Will Muslim stateless 'soldiers', known as
terrorists, grow to love and respect American values and freedom
- even when the US government threatens Arab governments into
complying and adopting US policies in their foreign and criminal
justice affairs, including financial regulations and 'terrorist'
targeting?
Europe's civilisation
Perhaps we have been witnessing a resurgence
of Islamic 'nationhood' after its complete collapse earlier last
century. Or perhaps this is just a faint echo of past feuds
between 'the crescent and the cross'. Or perhaps this Pax
Americana will go the way of Pax Romana, as America's own
government destroys the freedom and values that Western
civilisation claims to be fighting for.
Western Civilisation as conceived by
Europeans is central to the 'Debate on the Future of Europe'
(and not just the federalist EU-debate). We need to ask
ourselves: What European civilisation do we envision?
A future Europe can be a mass of 500 million
citizens subordinated to a huge, monolithic, federalised State
aggressively pursuing domestic and external wars. It can also
mean a Europe aimed at creating a civilised network of diverse
European cultures, sovereign not only on a national level, but
also as much as possible on an individual level. Today's
Europeans need to decide whether they want a political Europe
that is bent on going the irreversibly-doomed American way till
the very end, or a geographical Europe of liberated nation
States that are at peace with one another and with Europe's
neighbours.
The banner of Western civilisation is not in
European hands. The tune is set in Washington, while the EU
provides the chorus and applause.
And yet, not one 'good European' seems to be
debating this vital concern... only the dissenting 'bad'.
Kevin Ellul Bonici is co-editor of
European MONITOR in Malta. Email:
euobserver@onvol.net.
from The Laissez Faire Electronic Times, Vol 1, No 1, February 18, 2002
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